PREACHING IN THE ELECTRONIC AGE
Jeffrey D.
Arthurs and Ben Jackson
Multnomah Bible
College, Portland, OR
Communication methods evolve as new media develop, and the evolution results in sociological and epistemological shifts. This paper outlines the evolution from the ancient world of orality, to typography, to the current electronic milieu. After describing the electronic age, the paper suggests how preachers should respond. Before we blindly adjust the sermon into something visual, affective, and minimalistic, we must discern where the act of preaching is inherently at odds with today's sensorium.
"Homiletical form is usually experimental, because preachers are developing rhetoric to match the shape of a new, forming human consciousness."
David Buttrick, 1994, p. 67.
The invention of new media technologies, arising from
"mere" orality, to the phonetic alphabet and chirography,
to typography, to today's electronic age, has done more than make life
easier (or at least faster). The
inventions have also formed their own audiences. The Athenian peasant listening to a rhapsode in the age of
orality experienced something different than the man-of-letters pouring
over Latin texts in the age of typography, and neither of them experienced
television commercials flicker and flash before the eye. Section one of this paper describes the
methods of communication in the electronic age and some sociological
and epistemological effects of those methods; but to describe where
we are, the paper first describes where we came
from -the ages of orality and typography.
Section two then applies this knowledge to preaching, asking
how, in Buttrick's phrase, preachers should adapt to "the shape
of a new, forming human consciousness."
The word "should" is important because the essential
nature of preaching is at odds with some of the sociology and epistemology
common to the electronic age.
The Shift in Media
The Oral World
In the world before Gutenberg, communication was done
face-to-face. To be sure,
some long distance media were used, such as beating a drum, and some
asynchronistic media were used, such as writing letters, but orality
dominated. Oral communication is evanescent and personal.
From these simple exigencies of orality, culture was formed (Ong
1967, 1982). The following paragraphs describe the
methods of communication in the oral world with some sociological and
epistemological effects accompanying those methods.
The primary medium of oral communication is sound"the
speaker"s voice. Since
sound is evanescent, the most important aural features in oral cultures
are rhythm and repetition. These
features help ideas lodge in the mind.
Rhythm and repetition may strike the literate ear as stylistic
flourishes, pleasurable, quaint, or even bothersome, but in the oral/aural
world they are essential. Lost elements can never be recovered. Whether those elements are key ideas in
a speech or key values in a tribe, they must be repeated. Thus oral cultures use methods of communication
that aid retention. The
ancients spoke and thought in "alliterations and assonances, in
epithetic and other formula expressions, in standard thematic settings
(the assembly, the meal, the duel, the hero's "helper,"
and so on), in proverbs which are constantly heard by everyone so that
they come to mind readily and which themselves are patterned for retention
and ready recall" (Ong 1982, 34).
Aristotle's topoi ("commonplace
arguments" that could be plugged into nearly any speech) and Homer's
stock phrases ("the wine-dark sea" and "the rosy-fingered
dawn") are formulas that aid oral communication.
Besides being aural, orality is also "embodied."
That is, communication occurs face-to-face as the speaker literally
stands with the words. Oral
cultures are "high context"; that is, meaning is derived
largely from extra-linguistic factors such as the speakers' relationship,
the time and place of the communication event, as well as nonverbal
cues such as haptics (touch), proxemics (space) vocalistics (intonation),
kinesics (body movements), and objectics (objects including dress and
artifacts). Communication in the ancient world was
a multi-sensory holistic experience (Chesebro and Bertelsen 88-90). Furthermore, in face-to-face communication
feedback is always present. Listeners
embody their messages just as speakers do, and together they jointly
construct meaning. Because
orality cannot be divorced from sound and presence, small wonder that
memory and delivery were the most important of the traditional rhetorical
canons (Chesebro and Bertelsen 95).
The constraints of oral/aural media influenced the
sociology of the ancient world.
For example, oral cultures are traditional and conservative (Chesebro
and Bertelsen 93). Since
knowledge has to be repeated to be remembered and transmitted, persons
with the longest memories or greatest experience are revered.
The "elders" are the repositories of culture. Stories, rituals, and proverbs distill
and transmit culture as they are shared around the fire, on the hunt,
or at the grinding stone. Interestingly, in an oral culture knowledge
must not only be remembered, but some of it must also be forgotten. Chesebro and Bertelsen comment: "Retaining information no longer necessary would burden
the memory and disrupt cultural equilibrium and continuity. Accordingly,
forgetting information that is no longer useful would be as important
a process as remembering. Indeed,
discarding irrelevant information contributes to cultural homeostasis
by freeing the mind to focus on present events" (94-95). The only people who are qualified to decide what is important
enough to remember are those with enough experience to sift the grain
from the chaff.
A second sociological characteristic of the oral world
is tight community. Since
communication occurs face-to-face and meaning is jointly constructed,
community is formed. Communication
is a social event, not a private event like reading an article in the
library. In oral communication, the past exists
when it is re-created in speech and ceremony, but that re-creation always
occurs in the present. Orality
thus unites past and present in the current experience of the community. Fisher argues that narrative in particular,
the oldest and most powerful mode of communication, binds the community
in a common experience and transmits common knowledge and values (Fisher
1984).
Oral/aural media not only influence sociology, they
also influence epistemology, but the level of influence is hotly debated. Do media determine how we think?
In Amusing Ourselves to Death
and Technopoly Postman
comes close to answering "yes."
Similarly, Walter Ong states that "writing has transformed
human consciousness" (1982, 78), and in The Medium is
the Message, McLuhan argues that the brain adjusts itself to the
medium (in Turner 23). The
authors of this paper do not adopt such a severe technological determinism
which seems based on early theories of mass communication. Those theories presumed a passive audience helpless to withstand
manipulation. Rather, the
authors of this paper believe that humans use media for gratification. We are active, not passive, agents. Of course, when a person finds gratification
from the form or content of a medium, he or she will be influenced by
that medium. Groothuis
explains:
Given that new technologies form new intellectual, perceptive and imaginative environments (whatever their content), they are not epistemologically neutral - mere shells to be filled with truth or falsity, reason or unreason. Each electronic medium establishes certain "conditions of sentience": The radio provides disembodied sounds, the television incandescent, shifting images and sounds, and so on. Our habituation to these technologies establishes in us certain patterns of attention and inattention with respect to every aspect of our experience. (634)
Human thought is too complex to be reduced to simple
cause-effect structures, but it is influenced by communication media. Orality shaped epistemology in three ways:
thinking was additive, referential, and empathetic.
Since oral communication occurs in time, with past
elements gone forever, it cannot depend on receivers being able to reconstruct
those past elements with precision.
Its method of organization must be additive, not subordinative. It strings ideas one after the other rather
than subordinating those ideas in analytical hierarchy (Chesebro and
Bertelsen 93; Reymond). Furthermore,
since oral communication depends on the give-and-take of continuous
feedback, meaning grows organically, not geometrically. A speech from the oral world would not follow an "outline,"
but like the book of First John, would loop around a theme, progressing by the addition
of one idea to another even as it often doubles back.
Thought in the oral world is also referential. It is concrete. Ideas are linked to persons, actions,
and objects. Lovejoy states,
"As African pastor John Oginga put it, 'There is no idea without
a head.' To oral communicators
like him, no idea exists in a free-floating abstract state. Every idea is attached to the person who
uttered it and the context in which it was uttered. The more strongly ideas are rooted in
whole events and concrete experiences, the better their chance of being
remembered" (5). For
example, a "history of ideas" would be unlikely if not impossible
in an oral culture. Instead,
history would be genealogy and stories.
Ideas must be embodied.
Similarly, in argument, the most convincing proof is ethos, not
logos.
Since oral communication depends on joint construction of meaning, thought is empathetic in the oral/aural world. The knower (speaker) and the known (message spoken) cannot function without receivers (listeners). Thus, as Sample states, "An issue that comes up will be considered in terms of the family and communal ties one has. Moral, social, and religious beliefs will be understood much more in relational than discursive ways" (5). Even the "self is understood in terms of the responses of others in the community. Without the community, there can be no definition of self" (Chesebro and Bertelsen 96).
The communication media of orality dominated the ancient
world and influenced sociology and epistemology. These shifted when typography became dominant.
The Typographic World
Words in the oral world are event - encounters with persons in time experienced by using
multiple senses. Words
in the typographic world are abstractions - arbitrary symbols arranged in space experienced by using sight alone.
Ong summarizes: "All script represents words as
. . . quiescent objects, immobile marks for assimilation by vision .
. . . The alphabet, though it probably derives from pictograms, has
lost all connections with things as things.
It represents sound itself as a thing, transforming the evanescent
world of sound to the quiescent, quasi-permanent world of space"
(1982, 91). The shift from multi-sensory experience
to sight alone resulted in profound sociological and epistemological
changes.
The first sociological result was individualism. Since meaning in the world of typography
is derived from printed words, not from face-to-face interaction, readers
are isolated and autonomous. No
feedback or nonverbal cues are present to help readers jointly construct
meaning. Readers determine
meaning from literary context, not social context. This being so, literacy promotes idiosyncratic
interpretations of texts. Many
scholars believe that the Reformation would not have been possible without
typography. Furthermore,
Chesebro and Bertelsen contend that typography led to postmodernism
with its assumption that texts always convey multiple and contradictory
meanings (113). When communication
occurs in isolation, meaning is an individual possession, not a communal
possession bound to tradition.
As media shifted from orality to typography, a new sense of self
evolved - an autonomous self.
A second sociological shift concerns authority. In the typographic world, authority resides
with "experts," not elders. Typography produced an explosion of knowledge since it could
be stored in books called "encyclopedias," "histories,"
and "dictionaries." It no longer needed to be remembered. "Experts" became those who
read the writings on a subject and contributed their own writings. Starting in the 1440s with the advent
of the printing press, ideas began to "belong" to the one
who published them. Furthermore,
in the literate world, hermeneutics is a crucial discipline since law,
religion, technology, etc. is consigned to books.
Typography privileges the "literate class" since
such knowledge of these essential concerns is not available to those
who cannot read.
A shift in epistemology accompanied the shift in sociology.
Thinking became abstract.
Since writing reduces experience to symbols, and readers must
interpret those symbols apart from the author's presence, they develop
greater ability to analyze. The reliance upon detailed analysis for
understanding elevates logos over pathos or ethos. Under typography, abstract thought is most trustworthy (Chesebro
and Bertelsen 115).
Along with the ability to perform abstract thinking,
typography also increases the ability to fragment ideas since communication
occurs by sequential examination of letters on a page. It is not a holistic, multi-sensory experience.
Since typographic man experiences texts by looking at words in
rows, he tends to segment experience into linear and fragmented sequences.
Chesebro and Bertelsen give a helpful example: Perceiving the ambiance of a restaurant as you walk in is a
holistic experience. You view the people and the décor. You hear
music, silverware, and voices.
You smell the food and imagine the taste.
In contrast, when you read about the restaurant, the ambiance
is reified and transformed into a linear sequence that you experience
as your eye falls on words in rows.
"With a beginning, middle, and end, the form of the sentence
itself offers a sequential or linear organization of the information
it presents" (113).
The communication media, sociology, and epistemology
shifted again as culture left the world of Gutenberg and entered the
global village of the electronic world.
The Electronic World
Conrad Ostwalt summarizes the far-reaching cultural implications of the shift from typography to electronically mediated texts:
Whereas in the nineteenth-century popular novels and presses held the imagination of the American public, it seems that for contemporary Americans images are replacing texts in the ability to capture the imagination and to shape worldviews. Video images, movies, MTV-like programming, television in general, video games, interactive computer technology, virtual reality, and other visually stimulating technologies have captured the popular, intellectual, and religious imagination of Americans as books no longer do. Perhaps this is a comment on the postmodern context of our age: Visual images are replacing written texts as the conveyors of information and meaning. (153)
Because the electronic era dawned recently, scholars
are still creating terms to describe the era: Fiction writer William
Gibson coined the term "cyberspace" in his novel Neuromancer (1984); Neil Postman created the term "technopoly"
to describe the hegemony of technology in our culture; McLuhan posited
the "global village," reflective of Ong"s "secondary
orality"; Jean Baudrillard spoke of the emergence of a "hyperreality";
and Jacques Ellul has identified our state as "la technique." So many media are available in the
electronic world that most of us are unconscious of their presence. Like the proverbial fish in water, the
telephone, fax, radio, film, television, computer, and the internet
constitute our environment. Gozzi
and Haynes describe electronic modes of communication as possessing
the capability to transmit electronically created messages "almost
instantaneously from a distance, eclectically combining oral and written
forms of mediation with facsimiles of primary sensory encounters, also
storable, and often readily malleable" (in Chesebro and Bertelsen
135).
Three features of communication in the electronic world
have implications for preaching.
Those characteristics are the increasingly interactive nature
of the media, immediacy, and the dominance of images.
Taken together, today's media create "pseudo reality."
Originally, electronic media could be categorized as
either telecommunication or interactive, but recently this dichotomy
has broken down. "Telecommunication"
means "communication at a distance."
Telecommunication media began with the telegraph (1837) and progressed
to radio, film, and television.
For many years long distance communication was one-way, but starting
with ENIAC, the first mainframe computer, electronic communication has
become increasingly interactive (Chesebro and Bertelsen 136).
Teleconferencing and the internet illustrate the changing electronic
landscape. Even traditionally
one-way media such as television allow more interaction than ever before. For example, the remote control has changed
the way we watch TV. "Channel
surfing" gives viewers the power to construct their own programs
as they select and edit with the touch a button. Videotapes also blur the distinction between
telecommunication and interactive communication systems since they enable
viewers to record and watch their own programs whenever they want.
Because electronic media are transmitted at the speed
of light, today's communication milieu emphasizes a sense of immediacy. In the old days of typography, detached
contemplation of "current" events was the norm, but today
we experience the Kennedy assassination, the moonwalk, the Gulf War,
and O.J. Simpson weaving in and out of traffic as they happen. Electronic media obliterate geography. For example, though not physically present,
millions of viewers saw the tragic explosion of the Challenger space
shuttle. Electronic communication
has "minimized, even shattered the traditional barriers of space
and time" (Mitchell 192).
Christians notes: "TV has the tremendous advantage of enabling
us to participate, as it were, in events as they occur. Television gives spectators the gift of ubiquity" (342).
A third feature of electronic media is the dominance
of images. To be sure,
these media still use words, but today words caption images (Jamieson
53). Words are secondary. The freight of communication is transported
by images. Jacques Ellul
constrasts constructed and natural images. Residents of the oral world experienced natural images in face-to-face
encounters - the social context, the ambiance of the environment, facial
expression, and so forth - but the electronic world is composed of a
"proliferation of artificial images . . . . A universe of images
surrounds us: photos, films, television, advertising, billboards, road-signs,
illustrations, etc." (in Mitchell 204). These images dominate pop culture and
are now common in social structures such as our educational systems. For example, in a 1983 study, only 8%
of 2,000 teachers regularly
integrated TV and video into classroom activities; in 1991, the number
rose to 11%. By 1997, 53%
of teachers frequently integrated television and video into their school
curricula (Corporation for Public Broadcasting 13).
Electronic media affect sociology and epistemology. In brief, electronic media construct pseudo
realities. In terms of sociology, the electronic world creates
pseudo-intimacy and pseudo-community even though that intimacy is broadcasted.
Television, as the most dominant communication medium, establishes
the norm. The dominant image on a television screen
is a close-up shot of a human face since "the constraints of the
[TV] screen's boundaries force producers to develop the drama by concentrating
it in the faces of the characters and entrusting them to unfold"
plot and character (Christians 341). A medium which sends pictures at the speed of light into a
box in our living rooms and bedrooms lends itself to voyeurism, gossip,
and eavesdropping. For
example, an analysis of 200 talk shows found an average of sixteen personal
disclosures per episode. Those
content of those disclosures was a personal attribute, sexual activity
or orientation, abuse, criminal activity, or an embarrassing situation
(U.S. News and World Report 8). When
viewers identify with the persons on the screen pseudo-intimacy results.
Normally intimacy occurs in face-to-face communication, not public
settings, yet TV creates the impression of personal communication.
As Chesebro and Bertelsen explain, when a "broadcast image
is encountered by the audience, it distorts the perception of physical
presence in the immediate situation" (153).
No wonder so many television preachers are successful in eliciting
financial contributions from the "dearly loved friends"
of the ministry (Schultze 1995, 471).
The intimacy of the electronic world is not the intimacy
of the oral world. Fabricated
and mediated intimacy is no replacement for the intimacy of a physical,
face-to-face relationship. Even interactive media such as chat rooms
cannot provide authentic intimacy.
Groothuis explicates:
Although other human beings are involved in cyberspace at multiple levels, it is easy to forget this as we busy ourselves with manipulating data in a cyber-world where otherness does not intrude. A kind of technological autism . . . may result, in which human origin of information recedes beyond the digital horizon. . . . To use Martin Buber's terms, the I-Thou relationship, which is "characterized by openness, reciprocity, and a deep sense of personal involvement," may be eclipsed by the I-it relationship that lacks the personal and interactive dimensions. The more often social interactions occur in cyberspace instead of real space, the greater this threat becomes. (637, 639)
The pseudo-intimacy of the electronic world leads to
pseudo-community. Western
culture has arrived at the final stage in Ong's cultural scheme, which
he calls "secondary orality."
This new orality "has striking resemblance to the old [primary
oral cultures] in its participatory mystique, its fostering of a communal
sense, its concentration on the present moment, and even its use of
formulas"; but it differs from primary orality in that it "generates
a sense for groups immeasurably larger than those of primary oral culture
- McLuhan's 'global village'" (in O"Leary 785-786).
In the electronic world, community is no longer constrained by
the geographical limitations of the oral world.
Today a game of bridge can be played with a foursome from Sydney,
Rio, Bonn, and New York. Common
interest is the basis of community in the electronic world, and face-to-face
communication is passé.
The elusive nature of cyberspace community remains questionable. Can there be authentic community in cyberspace?
As O'Leary notes: "What online [community] . . . lacks,
in and of itself, is precisely the quality of physical presence . .
. . In cyberspace we are seeing relationships develop that have
no other embodiment but in textual interchange" (804-805).
Just as electronic media have influenced sociology,
so have they influenced epistemology.
In particular, how we think has been influenced by the bombardment
of quickly moving images. In
1984, Postman noted the average time of a cut on television commercials
was 3.5 seconds (1985, 86). Today,
MTV and TV commercials have reduced even that miniscule segment.
While viewers seem to be able to assimilate information at higher
speeds, some scholars believe viewers are losing typographic man's ability
to analyze. Os Guinness
explains: "Hearing and reading are slow, sequential, demanding,
and analytical processes. They
put a premium on truth, understanding, and judgment.
Visual communication, by contrast, is faster, easier, more immediate,
and more intuitive. But
it is often so 'obvious' that it bypasses critical thought" (100).
Turner agrees: "Because images create feelings
before analysis, watching TV is not primarily a thinking but rather
a feeling experience made up of laughing, crying, fearing, worrying
and so forth. Tension, not reflection, flows through
one's body during a violent TV scene. Watching murder, rape, arson, and immorality spills out adrenaline,
not reason. . . . [A]nyone desiring to mediate on images must visit
an art gallery" (29). In
a culture of rapid-fire images, our ways of thinking are changing. O'Leary asserts:
Writing will never be entirely supplanted by television, but the skills of print literacy may become increasingly those of a knowledge elite, necessary for the acquisition of wealth and social status although increasingly opaque to the operator of the cash register at the fast-food restaurant, who only knows how to charge customers for a meal by pushing buttons with pictures of a Big Mac, Coke, and fries. (786-787)
Another epistemological shift in the age of television
is that we expect, perhaps demand, that all communication be entertaining. TV creates this expectation. Since television is driven by commercial
motives, that is, since its life blood is ratings and sponsors, it must
attract and hold viewers. The best way to do this is by gratifying
those viewers. Watching
TV must be pleasurable. It
must entertain. This is true even of programs that purport
to be educational, such as the evening news. Robert MacNeil, an insider to the television industry, describes
the thinking of producers and directors: Their motive
is to keep everything brief, not to strain the attention of anyone but instead to provide constant stimulation through variety, novelty, action, and movement. You are required . . . to pay attention to no concept, no character, and no problem for more than a few seconds at a time. . . . [The assumptions controlling a news show are] that bite-sized is best, that complexity must be avoided, that nuances are dispensable, that qualifications impede the simple message, that visual stimulation is a substitute for thought, and that verbal precision is an anachronism. (in Postman 105)
The mania to entertain
prompts TV, movie, and video game producers to keep "upping the
ante." They must
provide ever more visual stimulation to attract and hold viewers. The result for viewers is desensitization.
Brown may overstate the
case, but his cry is worth hearing:
Everything that appears on television is trivialized. On the same screen we can surf through death in the Balkans, a ball game in Chicago, a mystery filmed fifty years ago . . . a cartoon, and a commercial for laxatives, all within a few seconds. The juxtaposition of these images is an incredible phenomenon, but one which we have come to expect with a shrug and a yawn. Sociologist Mark Crispin notes: "Repeatedly subjected to TV's small jolts, we become incapable of outright shock or arousal, lapsing into a constant, dull anxiety wherein we can hardly sense the difference between a famine and a case of body odor." (319)
TV, video games, and
surfing the internet are fun, but they lead users to believe that information
and images have no purpose but entertainment. Pseudo reality becomes indistinguishable from real reality,
or perhaps a substitute for it.
This is the world of electronic media.
The question we turn
to now is how to preach in this world.
But perhaps a prior question is in order: Do we need to adapt or should we still preach as in the days of
typography? To answer that
question, Lovejoy offers this statistic:
only about 20% of North Americans can be classified as "literate,"
or "highly literate." Four times that number are "illiterate,"
"functionally illiterate," or "semi-literate."
Lovejoy states, "The question is not simply whether people
can read, but how well they learn through literacy-influenced forms
of communication" (6). The
electronic world, not the ordered world of typography, influences the
sociology and epistemology of North America.
In contrast, most preachers, certainly the readers of this essay,
are highly literate. We
have been trained in hermeneutics and exposition since we are interpreters
of a Text, but to stand between the worlds of Text and audience, we
must adapt. However, this adaptation must not circumvent
the essential nature and mission of preaching. Adapting the sermon into something like
virtual reality would circumvent that nature and mission since preaching
is a communication event nonpareil in its proclamation of Reality. Yet, if preaching is communication, adaptation
must take place. What adaptations can be made without compromise?
Adapting Without Compromise
When adapting to the electronic world, three qualities
of preaching must not be compromised:
preaching is incarnational, proclamatory, and transformational.
Incarnational Preaching
By "incarnational" we mean that God has
ordained that human agents represent Him.
Preachers are "heralds" of the King"s message,
"stewards" of the Master"s Word, and "witnesses"
to his saving grace (Stott). God
has placed his treasure in "earthen vessels." To remove the "personality"
from Brooks" famous definition of preaching is to remove something
essential, but the electronic media are prone to do just that. Pixels and disembodied words on a screen
are the media of the day, but a flesh-and-blood person is the medium
of preaching. Okrent indicts
pseudo community by stating that it is only "a shadow of community;
the interaction with another human being that is held out as the great
virtue of Web community is actually interaction with the facsimile of
a human being" (40). The
electronic media, TV and the internet in particular, tend to reduce
personality to performance. As
Veith states, the media turn life into theater.
This is true in politics, where
events are scripted and stage-managed for mass consumption, and in which individuals and groups struggle for starring roles (or at least bit parts) in the dramas of life. This theatricality is a natural - and inevitable - feature of our time. It is what happens when a lot of people begin to understand that reality is a social construction. The more enterprising among us see that there is much to be gained by constructing - and selling to the public - a certain reality. (169)
To adapt to this exigency - this assumption that public
communication is merely performance"preachers must create venues
for incarnational communication.
Today's listeners need to see God's message embodied, but they
may not trust that embodiment if it occurs only in public presentations
from the pulpit. We suggest
that preachers augment their public communication with interpersonal
dialogue (Arthurs and Gurevich).
We should create venues for discussion, application, and counseling
following the sermon.
An emphasis on incarnation in an age of pseudo personality
also suggests that preachers should use conversational language and
delivery. Today's listeners have been conditioned
to receive public communication in private environments such as cars,
living rooms, and bedrooms. Today
people want to be address in public communication as if it were interpersonal
communication. As McKenzie
states, "For several centuries we have prized the memorable, formal,
respectable qualities of written discourse. Now we are shifting to one that prefers communications that
epitomize the colloquial, seemingly spontaneous character of oral communication"
(in Mitchell 21). Jamieson
argues that FDR was one of the first to respond to this exigency by
adopting a new style of delivery. FDR realized that he should chat by the fireside with individuals
rather than orate to crowds even though he was addressing millions at
once (43 ff.). Alistair
Cooke, patriarch of British radio, concurs.
In the early days of radio he discovered that most broadcasters
simply wrote and delivered essays. Those essays were hard to follow. They were poorly suited for oral communication.
Cooke "suddenly realized that there was a new profession
ahead. Which is writing for talking. Putting it on the page in the syntactical
break-up and normal confusion that is normal talk" (2). Cooke attributes much of his success to
conversational language and delivery since, as Jamieson observes, "Radio
and television changed the rules for speakers of public words and for
their listeners" (42; see also Mitchell 64-68). Since so much of the meaning in oral communication is conveyed
through the nonverbal channel, preachers must not put on a pulpit persona.
They must speak naturally and sincerely if they are to communicate incarnationally.
We must not give listeners the impression that we are performing.
Perhaps the most significant adaptation we can make
to preach incarnationally is by judicious use of self-disclosure (Gurevich
and Arthurs). Audiences
have been conditioned to expect it, and preachers can use it to embody
the truth. Jamieson states, "Public discourse
is now more personalized, self-disclosive, and autobiographical; today's
public speech comfortably includes Fala, Checkers, Amy, and Nancy.
Audiences too have changed. . . . Public address now seems a
collaborative and intimate act that enmeshes speaker and audience"
(44-45). When preachers
reveal how God's Word has impacted them, today's listeners will sit
up and take notice and likely apply the same truth to themselves.
If electronic media are not well suited to incarnation,
the question naturally arises whether preachers should use those media
in their sermons. Should
they show movie clips and use power point?
Our answer is that media can be
used to support preaching,
but that the act of preaching itself is best done face-to-face.
We advocate the use of electronic media if those media augment
the essence of preaching which is a living soul addressing living souls. Just as Jesus used "media"
such as writing in the dirt, bread and wine, and the birds of the air
when he taught the people of "primary orality," so we should
use media as we address the people of "secondary orality." Pictures should be used to connect with
people who think in pictures, but let us remember that the most crucial
"picture" is the personality of the preacher conveyed earnestly
and sincerely through words and deeds.
Proclamation
A second essential
element of preaching is kerygma, or proclamation.
If a sermon fails to announce God's Word, it falls short of a
biblical definition of preaching.
Every sermon must be "expository" in the sense that
it "exposes" the mind, heart, and will of God as revealed
in the text. However, like
incarnation, exposition is difficult in this age.
The electronic media, TV in particular, lend themselves to entertainment,
not proclamation.
To adapt to the constraints
of the electronic age while still proclaiming boldly, we suggest two
techniques. The first is
to create central ideas for sermons which are memorable and winsome. Of course, there is nothing new in the
exhortation to form a compelling central idea and repeat it often, but
the reminder is worth making since we live in a sound-bite age. Today's audiences are used to hearing
speakers - positions distilled for the evening news. As Jamieson states, "The capsulizing
phrase or statement has always played a role in eloquent speeches; one
of the facts that differentiates present from past is that that role
is now central" (114). The
old eloquence formed in the days of typography emphasized subordinative
verbal claims. Today's
eloquence takes us back to the days of orality and is marked by metaphor,
redundancy, and verbal distillation.
Preachers should form central ideas which borrow the qualities
of proverbs such as compactness ("It's Friday, but Sunday's coming"
- Tony Campolo), rhythm and balance ("If a thing is worth doing,
it's worth doing simply" - Haddon Robinson), and metaphor ("Payday
someday" - R.G. Lee).
An objection may arise
that adaptation toward simplicity "dumbs down" preaching. The people who make this objection, like
Postman, probably value the epistemology of typography (the authors
of this paper do too), but preaching is oral
communication, not written. We
must communicate with the tools of orality. This does not mean that argument is out of place in sermons
or that analysis should be jettisoned.
It means that preachers recognize the simple fact that listeners
are likely to remember only a few ideas from an oral presentation. We must do our part to help them comprehend
and value the central teaching of the text. According to Lovejoy, insisting that preaching use complex verbal
claims and detached analysis creates an unbiblical stumbling block to
the gospel (7). Most people
throughout history, and most people in the world today are not literate. To require them to "reach up"
to our level vitiates an essential feature of preaching - it is proclamation.
A second adaptation
helps preacher proclaim in the age of images - the use of "visual
language." In the
electronic world words simply augment pictures, but preaching is a verbal
art; therefore, preachers should use words to conjure images in the
minds of their listeners. Wilson
encourages preachers to make movies with words, and Chapell says preachers
should think of themselves as photographers (in Mitchell 38). Narrative preaching, concrete examples, and stories are natural
vehicles for visual language.
Visual language may
seem anemic next to the special effects wonders of video games and movies,
but many researchers argue the opposite.
Images in the mind are actually more engaging than images that
merely appear on the screen. Since
formation of mental images depends on the participation of the listener,
mental images engage the listener more completely than images on the
screen. Adam Powell's claim for radio applies
to preaching that uses visual language: "Pictures are better on radio. What you can imagine is almost always
scarier, funnier, more real and more vivid than the explicit images
of video and film" (in Mitchell 55).
Before leaving the
subject of proclamation with visual language, a caution must be sounded. Images without propositions proclaim nothing.
Images must illustrate or prove or apply an idea or value.
Buttrick argues that "without a logical structure in which
these images can form, occur, and mean, they aren't going to do much
for you. They are simply going to be images which
don't provoke contemplation" (in Mitchell 36). Audiences today are conditioned to accept
rapidly changing images with little verbal commentary. These audiences are weak at discerning
the "meaning" of shows, nor do the shows promote such reflection.
As a result, preachers who want to remain true to the ideal of
proclamation while still using visual language, must work overtime to
ensure that images communicate ideas. Koessler quotes Willimon on this point:
"Our culture is dominated by communication technology that provides neither exposition, understanding, nor information. TV has made entertainment the focus in presenting experience, and it has shaped its own kind of audience. . . ." The obvious response to this cultural trend would seem to be sermons that are short, narrative, affective, and non-propositional. However, true biblical preaching, even when it is primarily narrative in structure, must be propositional at its core. This is unavoidable because it is the communication of truth. (21)
Preachers should use
images, but images do not speak for themselves. They must be tied to propositions to be a tool of proclamation.
Furthermore, as Koessler implies, proclamation itself has a goal. Proclamation is not simply bald assertion, not merely the announcing
of facts; rather, its goal
is transformation.
Transformation
Transformation is
indispensable to preaching because of the nature of the thing preached
- the Bible. As Ramm states,
"Holy Scripture is not a theoretical book of theological abstraction,
but a book that intends to have a mighty influence on the lives of its
readers" (113). Auerbach
puts his finger on this quality of Scripture: "The world of the Scripture is not satisfied with claiming
to be a historically true reality - it insists that it is the only real
world . . . . The Scripture stories do not flatter us . . . . They seek
to subject us, and if we refuse to be subjected, we are rebels"
(14-15). Since God through the Bible seeks to transform
readers, and since preaching is proclamation of God's Word, preachers
must aim for transformation (Bullmore).
Transformation is
a tall order in any day, but perhaps tallest in the age of entertainment. "When was the last time you saw
anything on TV that demanded action?
Other than an occasional weather report alerting a driver to
leave early because of heavy snow or traffic, the main action TV generates
is buying a product which may or may not be potentially helpful. Even the prevalence of news, talk, and sports programming requires
no or little action" (Turner 30).
How shall we preach to this society? Simply by calling for action and preaching for decision. Expect transformation. Remember that the sermon is superior to the electronic media in producing transformation. Preaching is "live," not mediated. An earnest soul can connect deeply with listeners. Preaching is targeted, not broadcast. It addresses the current needs of a relatively small group of people. Preaching is pastoral, not pecuniary. It is selfless. And preaching occurs in the context of worship, not the context of other images flickering in our living rooms. It does not stand alone. It is part of a larger experience that brings us into the presence of God. The Holy Spirit uses the foolishness of preaching. Trust that a sense of God's beauty and holiness will break through while a messenger who is captivated by His love proclaims the truth. This is the vision of preaching we hold even while preaching in the electronic age.
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